[英]文迪·帕金斯：塑造身体政治：衣着、性别与公民身份（柏格 2003） (pdf document) free file download at fliiby.com

"Fashioning the Body Politic Fashioning the Body Politic Dress, Gender, Citizenship Edited by Wendy Parkins Oxford • New York First published in 2002 by Berg Editorial offices: 150 Cowley Road, Oxford, OX4 1JJ, UK 838 Broadway, Third Floor, New York, NY 10003–4812, USA © Wendy Parkins 2002 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any form or by any means without the written permission of Berg. Berg is an imprint of Oxford International Publishers Ltd. Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 1 85973 582 7 (Cloth) ISBN 1 85973 587 8 (Paper) Typeset by JS Typesetting, Wellingborough, Northants. Printed in the United Kingdom by Biddles Ltd, Guildford and King’s Lynn. Contents Acknowledgements Notes on Contributors List of Illustrations 1 Introduction: (Ad)dressing Citizens Wendy Parkins The Formation and Currency of a Vestimentary Stereotype: The Sans-culotte in Revolutionary France Richard Wrigley Subjects into Citizens: The Politics of Clothing in Imperial Russia Christine Ruane Tailoring the Nation: Fashion Writing in NineteenthCentury Argentina Regina A. Root ‘The Epidemic of Purple, White and Green’: Fashion and the Suffragette Movement in Britain 1908–14 Wendy Parkins Scouts, Guides, and the Fashioning of Empire, 1919–39 Tammy M. Proctor Peeking Under the Black Shirt: Italian Fascism’s Disembodied Bodies Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi vii ix xi 1 2 19 3 49 4 71 5 97 6 125 7 145 –v– Contents 8 Camisas Nuevas: Style and Uniformity in the Falange Española 1933–43 Mary Vincent Blankets: The Visible Politics of Indigenous Clothing in Australia Margaret Maynard Children’s Day: The Fashionable Performance of Modern Citizenship in China Stephanie Hemelryk Donald Afterthought: Redressing the Balance in Historiography Roger Griffin 167 9 189 10 205 11 217 227 253 Bibliography Index – vi – Acknowledgements I am very grateful to all my contributors for their commitment and enthusiasm for this project. The quality of their work and their friendly emails have encouraged and sustained my work as editor. I would also like to thank everyone at Berg for their assistance throughout this project. Maike Bohn (formerly of Berg) was invaluable in getting this volume off the ground and Kathryn Earle has been tremendously helpful and supportive from start to finish. Finally, I want to acknowledge the love and support of my family. Geoff (as ever) has been a great source of encouragement and inspiration; Madeleine has been very patient while mum finished her book; and Gabriel (who appeared halfway through this project!) was a wonderful sleeper. – vii – Notes on Contributors Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi is Associate Professor of Sociology at the University of California, Santa Barbara. Her work focuses on the relationship between politics and culture. Her publications include Fascist Spectacle: The Aesthetics of Power in Mussolini’s Italy (1997). Roger Griffin is Professor of Modern History at Oxford Brookes University, where he specializes in the theory and evolution of generic fascism. Since the publication of The Nature of Fascism (Pinter, London, 1991) he has continued to have a impact on fascist studies with documentary readers, encyclopedia and periodical articles, and chapters which explore the implications for specific aspects of fascism of the centrality of the myth of national rebirth. His latest project is an investigation of the relationship between modernity and fascist projects for the renewal of Western civilization. Stephanie Hemelryk Donald is Senior Lecturer in Media and Communications at the University of Melbourne. She is the author of Public Secrets, Public Spaces: Cinema and Civility in China, The Global Media Atlas and The State of China Atlas. She is co-editor of Media in China: Content, Consumption and Change; and Picturing Power in the People’s Republic of China: Posters of the Cultural Revolution. Margaret Maynard studied dress history at the Courtauld Institute in London. She is a Senior Lecturer in Art History in the School of English, Media Studies and Art History, The University of Queensland. She has published extensively on dress, design, cultural studies and Australian colonial art and photography. Her second book, entitled Out of Line. Australian Women and Style was published by UNSW Press in 2001. Wendy Parkins is a Lecturer in the School of Media, Communication and Culture at Murdoch University, Western Australia. She has published articles on suffragette bodies in Feminist Theory and Continuum: Journal of Media and Cultural Studies, and on women’s modernity in Women: A Cultural Review and Tulsa Studies in Women’s Literature. – ix – Notes on Contributors Tammy M. Proctor is an Associate Professor of History and Director of the University Honors Program at Wittenberg University in Springfield, Ohio. She is the author of articles on Guiding and Scouting in Interwar Britain and South Africa as well as a forthcoming book, On Their Honor: Guiding and Scouting in Interwar Britain. Currently, she is working on a history of women and intelligence during World War I. Regina A. Root, an Assistant Professor of Spanish at Old Dominion University, Norfolk, Virginia, writes on the interrelationship between fashion and literature in Latin America. She has conducted extensive archival research of nineteenth-century fashion magazines in Argentina, Chile and Uruguay. Most recently, her work has appeared in Folios, Fashion Theory and Designis. She is currently at work on The Latin American Fashion Reader. Christine Ruane is Associate Professor and Director of Graduate Studies in History at the University of Tulsa. She is the author of Gender, Class, and the Professionalization of Russian City Teachers, 1861–1914 and is currently working on a history of the Russian fashion industry from 1700 to 1917. Mary Vincent is Senior Lecturer in History at the University of Sheffield, UK. Her Catholicism in the Second Spanish Republic was published by OUP in 1996 while articles on religion and gender in 1930s Spain have recently appeared in History Workshop Journal and Gender and History. She also edits the journal Contemporary European History and is currently working on a study of Franco’s ‘Crusade’. Richard Wrigley is Principal Lecturer in the History of Art at Oxford Brookes University, and the author of The Politics of Dress in Revolutionary France (forthcoming Berg 2002). –x– List of Illustrations 2.1. Godefroy: ‘Le Jongleur Pitt soutenant avec une loterie l’équilibre de l’Angleterre et les subsides de la coalition’ (The juggler Pitt maintaining England’s balance and her subsidies for the coalition with a lottery), etching, first half of 1794. 35 2.2. Antoine-Denis Chaudet: ‘Le Charlatan politique, ou le léopard apprivoisé’ (The Political Charlatan, or the leopard tamed), etching, first half of 1794. 36 2.3. Anonymous: ‘Dansons la Carmagnole’, etching, frontispiece, La République en vaudevilles. Précédées d’une notice des principaux événemens de la révolution, pour servir de Calendrier à l’année 1793 (Paris, 1793). 38 3.1. A Russian family portrait from the 1890s. 62 3.2. Nicholas II dressed in the garments worn by his ancestor, Tsar Alexis for the 1903 ball at the Winter Palace. 66 4.1. Federalists and Unitarians dance a ‘cielito’ to celebrate independence from Spain. 71 4.2. Federalist soldiers or ‘corazeros’ patrol the countryside. 85 5.1. Derry and Tom’s advertisement, published in Votes for Women (May 7, 1909: 648). 104 5.2. Derry and Tom’s advertisement, published in Votes for Women (June 9, 1911: 604). 109 6.1. Jamaican Scouts at the 1929 Jamboree in Birkenhead (Liverpool). 126 6.2. Three Algerian Scouts. 127 6.3. Olave Baden-Powell with an international contingent of campers at the First World Camp at Foxlease (UK) in 1924. 137 7.1. Early version of the black shirt. 149 7.2. Fascism’s body politic. 163 8.1. Sección Feminina members sewing linen. 179 9.1. ‘King George VI’ of Ravensbourne, Cedar Creek, receives his government blanket from the Protector, 1912. 196 9.2. Vincent Brady leading a protest march to bring attention to Aboriginal opposition to the bicentenary celebrations, Brisbane, 1987. 201 – xi – Introduction –1– Introduction: (Ad)dressing Citizens Wendy Parkins On 11 February 1999, female legislators from both the left and right of the political spectrum wore jeans to the Italian parliament. A couple of days later, women in the Californian State Assembly also wore jeans in support of their Italian counterparts. Both groups of women were staging a protest against a ruling in Italy’s Supreme Court of Appeals that it is impossible to rape a woman wearing jeans. The Italian court, overturning the conviction of a 45-year-old driving instructor earlier found guilty of raping his 18-year-old student, had ruled that jeans cannot be removed ‘even partially, without the active cooperation of the person wearing them’ (Nadotti 1999: 18; see also Tagliabue). In these protests, jeans, possibly the most ubiquitous item of clothing in the Western world, became a site of semiotic contestation as the female legislators disputed the court’s interpretation that the removal of a woman’s jeans signified compliance rather than violent assault. This item of clothing was also given a political significance, however, as women, who in their elected capacity as legislators represented the body politic, wore an item of everyday, casual clothing in a domain where such dress would usually be considered inappropriate, signifying a casual or disrespectful attitude to the sober business of law-making.1 Such violation of the dress code was intended to signify the women’s outrage at the Appeals Court’s failure to recognize the physical violation at the centre of the case before them and gestured towards the implications for all women when an item of clothing alone is construed to signify consent. As Anna Yeatman has argued, modern political subjecthood depends on the concept of an individual who is not subject to the authority of any other except by their consent and who is also free to withdraw this consent (2001: 141). The capacity for consent, then, lies at the heart of modern citizenship. The ‘denim defense’ protests drew attention to the fact that, despite the presence of women in state and national parliaments, the status of women’s citizenship remains problematic in the modern body politic where, as Nancy Fraser (1989: 126) has argued, ‘the capacities for consent and speech, the ability to –1– Fashioning the Body Politic participate on a par with others in dialogue . . . are connected with masculinity’ in modern democracies. In showing the body politic to be a gendered construction, the women protestors also demonstrated the way notions of citizenship may be bound up with and understood through notions and practices of dress. These protests can be read as attempts to refashion the body politic through drawing attention to the significance – and the signification – of dress in political contexts. The incidents in Italy and California provide a contemporary example of the central concerns of this book: how forms or items of dress – from the ceremonial to the everyday – can themselves become sites of political struggle, how they can be used variously to contest or legitimate the power of the state and the meanings of citizenship. It is a grounding assumption of Fashioning the Body Politic that, as Rita Felski (1995: 150) has put it, symbolic political practices, ‘rather than simply expressing an already constituted sphere of “real politics” grounded in the economy or the state, may themselves operate as instruments of transformation, ways of reconstituting the social and political world’. Practices of dress and fashion will be viewed not simply as reflecting social and political change but rather, as Joanne Entwistle (2000b: 80) has put it, understood as practices that are ‘always and everywhere situated within a society and a culture’ (emphasis added). Beginning, then, with a consideration of the concept of the body politic as an enabling myth of modern nation states, this introduction will consider the means by which the body politic may be fashioned. The corporeal metaphor of the ‘body politic’ is a deliberately chosen one in this context, as it offers a different emphasis from understanding the political domain in the modern nation state as, say, a public sphere. By insisting that practices of bodily display and performance associated with dress may be understood as political (although not always contestatory), a critique of a Habermasian model of a sphere of ‘legitimate’ politics as only that based on rationality and deliberation will also be offered. In medieval and early modern Europe, as Nicholas Mirzoeff (1995: 59) states, ‘the quasi-divine Body politic was symbolized by the ritual anointing of the monarch during the coronation ceremony, which separated the king from all other lay persons’. In the medieval doctrine of the king’s two bodies – which posited that the sovereign had both a ‘body natural’ (the physical, mortal body) and a ‘body politic’ (the state as a metaphysical, immortal corporation) – ‘the natural body of the king thus represented the body politic’ (Peters 1993: 545, emphasis in original). Through portraiture and sculpture as well as through the vestiture of the king’s material body, the body politic ‘became entirely dependent on –2– Introduction visual representation’ (Mirzoeff 1995: 60). As Andrew and Catherine Belsey have argued in their analysis of the portraiture of Elizabeth I, for example, portraits of the monarch sought to symbolize the legitimate authority she embodied. Elizabeth’s portraits, at times verging on the anatomically impossible, represented a ‘dis-embodied, extra-human Queen’ (Belsey and Belsey 1990: 18) and through the morphology of the queen’s body and its extravagant dress proclaimed her sovereignty and right to rule (Belsey and Belsey 1990: 14–15). The significance of visual representation in the political domain, a significance obvious in the splendour and conspicuous display of the monarchical states of Louis XIV or Elizabeth I, is shown in Fashioning the Body Politic to be an ongoing if problematic one in the modern era of disembodied authority. ‘If the state is figured organically’, argues Mirzoeff (1995: 61) in his examination of the body politic, ‘its corporeal representation is central to maintaining the central illusion of modern state fetishism, that the state is a really existing and palpable body. How can this body be imagined without using the medium of the king’s body?’ This problem of representing the state after the king’s body was revealed as human, as in fact only one body and that expendable, was a problem not only for France during and after the Revolution but more generally in modern nation states and, as several contributors to this book argue, practices of dress could be deployed by states to resolve this problem of representation. There is, however, a strong tradition of modern political thought (from Rousseau to the Frankfurt School), suspicious of or opposed to any kind of spectacularization or theatricalization of the political, summed up by Walter Benjamin’s critique of the ‘aestheticization of politics’.2 In this view, any kind of visual representation of the state or symbolic politics encodes illegitimate, anti-democratic and oppressive forms of power. For Jurgen Habermas, for instance, the transition from absolute monarchy to modern nation state is a transition from ‘representative publicity’ – an illegitimate form of politics based on the display of the king’s body as well as enacted in the costume, speech, and bodily comportment of the monarch and court (Habermas 1989: 206; Peters 1993: 545) – to a legitimate form based on critical dialogue and rational deliberation (see Fraser 1989: 126; Landes 1995: 93–4). ‘Representative publicity’ which made visible the king’s social power or his embodiment of the state, can, for Habermas (1989: 8), only be understood as ‘completely unlike a sphere of political communication’; it is fundamentally opposed to dialogue or debate and signals a lack of public participation (Peters 1993: 545–6). ‘The source of legitimacy’, for Habermas, ‘is deliberation itself’ (Habermas 1992: 446, quoting Manin): ‘like Rousseau and Kant, [Habermas] assumes –3– Fashioning the Body Politic that a formal or procedural conception of public life alone is enough’ (Peters 1993: 564). As John Durham Peters (1993: 565) has succinctly put it, ‘Beyond all symbolic politics, for Habermas, lurks the king’s body, which must not be resurrected’. While the chapters by Simonetta Falasca-Zamponi and Mary Vincent are devoted to examining the deployment of symbolic dress by fascist states in the 1930s, a Habermasian dismissal of practices of display as always ‘bad politics’ overlooks the multi-accentuality of dress in political contexts, the capacity of dress to be articulated to a variety of causes and contexts. As the chapters by Regina Root and myself argue, practices of display or adornment could be deployed within a sphere of political communication by those unenfranchised by or opposed to existing political formations as a means of contestation or critique. The narrative trajectory from ‘bad’ display to ‘good’ speech, which Habermas posits, moreover, has been disputed by historians, especially those examining the political context in France both prior to and during the French Revolution (see, for example, Hunt 1984; Landes 1988 and 1995; Huet 1982; Harris 1981). The work of these historians insists on the importance of performance and display in the political – what Joan Landes (1995: 101) has identified as an ‘always already theatricalized public sphere’ – and shows the semiotic capacity of practices of dress to either contest or reinforce existing arrangements of power and ‘flesh out’ the meanings of citizenship. This emphasis makes this an important reference point for any consideration of dress, gender and citizenship: not only did the political culture of the French Revolution generate many of the ideas and practices of politics that persist today, but it also illustrated the imbrication of politics with culture (Hunt 1984: 2, 15). During the French revolutionary period, as Hunt (1984: 53) has argued: Different costumes indicated different politics, and a colour, the wearing of a certain length of trousers, certain shoe styles, or the wrong hat might touch off a quarrel, a fistfight, or a general street brawl. During the Revolution, even the most ordinary objects and customs became political emblems and potential sources of political and social conflict. Colours, adornments, clothing, plateware, money, calendars, and playing cards became ‘signs of rallying’ to one side or another . . . By making a political position manifest, they made adherence, opposition, and indifference possible. In this way they constituted a field of political struggle. Clothing became invested with political significance during the revolutionary period, from the wearing of the national cockade to proposing a national civil uniform.3 As Richard Wrigley discusses in his –4– Introduction chapter and elsewhere (Wrigley 1997), items of clothing such as those associated with the sans-culottes formed part of a complex visual economy in which political meanings and values were contested, reconfigured and resta..."

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